Conditional Permanent Residence: Towards vulnerability and violence
This 2-page document discusses the period of conditional permanent residence for sponsored spouses and includes links to facts and concerns with human stories.
This 2-page document discusses the period of conditional permanent residence for sponsored spouses and includes links to facts and concerns with human stories.
On February 16, 2012, the government introduced Bill C-31, an Act to Protect Canada’s Refugee Determination System. Fierce rhetoric accompanied the launch of a bill that protects systems, not refugees. Here is what you need to know.
The high number of vacancies at the IRB had a significant impact on its capacity to process cases on a timely basis. The inventory of unresolved cases reached an exceptionally high level - the IRB vacancy rate in March 2008 was 35%.[1] Under-resourcing the system has created backlogs.
As a party to both the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the Convention Against Torture, Canada must protect refugees from persecution and torture and every case must be examined on its merits. Applying accelerated timelines to groups of people and denying them an appeal will thwart fair decisions and prevent the correction of mistakes.
The Supreme Court of Canada decided in 2007 that unreviewed, lengthy detention violates the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[2] Bill C-31 provides mandatory, unreviewed detention of “irregular arrivals” for a minimum of 1 year, or until claims are decided.
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (art. 9.1) prohibits arbitrary detention (i.e. without judicial review). Canada also has obligations to protect the family under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (art. 12), the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (art. 10) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (art. 9). Bill C-31 will separate families.
UN experts say, “Roma people are still widely excluded from the public and political life of many countries. Access to justice is hampered for Roma people who are also vulnerable to the rise of extremism in Europe. Racist violence by private and public actors, including the police is also of concern.”[3] Human Rights Watch has “documented racist and xenophobic violence directed particularly against Roma and migrants – and inadequate police protection – in a number of EU member states, including Italy, Greece, and Hungary.”[4] France has deported thousands of Roma to their home countries. Italy has, as well, and demolished their encampments.
The acceptance rate in 2008 for Roma refugee claimants in Canada was 43%;[5] today they are afraid they won’t get a fair hearing from a government that loudly insists they are “bogus.”
Provisions in Bill C-31 will be very costly. Mandatory detention of “irregular arrivals” for a minimum of one year could cost $70,000 per claimant.[6] Refugee claimants from “designated countries” won’t be able to apply for work permits for at least 6 months, forcing them onto social assistance. And, mandatory detention will incur long-term mental health costs.
It is unfair and immoral to punish refugees to deter smugglers - and it won’t work. Refugees fleeing desperate situations do what is needed to save their lives and their families. They rarely know the policies at their destination.
Australia tried “Temporary Protection Visas” to stop unauthorized arrivals, requiring refugees to reapply for protection years later, limiting services, and barring family reunification. In 2008, they were abolished. “TPVs did not have any deterrent effect. Indeed, there was an increase in the number of women and children making dangerous journeys to Australia.”[7] TPVs are almost exactly what Bill C-31 proposes.
Bill C-31 overturns a positive consensus among all parties reached in 2010 in Bill C-11, which the Minister of Immigration described as ‘a remarkable spirit of cooperation.”[8] Arrivals of refugees by boat - like the MV Sun Sea and Ocean Lady - attract sensational media attention and create logistical challenges, but don’t constitute a crisis. They represent a small percentage of claims made in Canada (just 2% in 2010). Laws are already in place to deal with such situations.
[1]Office of the Auditor General of Canada, http://bit.ly/xkAnmg, 2009.
[2]Charkaoui v. Canada, http://bit.ly/GDD5Ef, 2007.
[3]Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, http://bit.ly/lbukFE, June 2011.
[4]Human Rights Watch, http://bit.ly/AsFWtW, March 2012.
[5] Lives in the Balance, http://ccrweb.ca/sites/ccrweb.ca/files/refugeeclaimsfaq.pdf, June 2009.
[6]Office of the Auditor General of Canada, http://bit.ly/wvECWT, May 2008.
[7]Government of Australia, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, http://bit.ly/yqjWYS, August 2008.
[8]Min. Jason Kenney on the Balanced Refugee Reform Act, http://bit.ly/FWzFoF, June 2010.
Charged exorbitant recruitment fees, forces to work unpaid overtime, subjected to dangerous working conditions, housed in sub-standard living conditions... these are just some of the abuses endured by migrant workers in Canada. This four-page document can be used for awareness-raising and public education.
In keeping with Canada's history of welcoming, respecting and enabling newcomers to thrive, the CCR's Year in Review looks at the progress Canada has made in 2011 and reflects on where we failed to advance.
The United Nations will soon examine Canada on its respect for children’s rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Canada still has work to do on refugee and immigrant children's rights if it wants to pass the exam. This document looks at some issues of concern, 2 pages.